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Guest Author: Efes Günkut |
Thomas Jefferson was over six feet tall, loose-jointed, shy and gentle, with a mild countenance, red hair and blue eyes. He was by nature cautious, disliked open controversy, and never engaged in a personal quarrel. His father was a middle-class Virginia farmer, who lived near Blue Ridge, and his mother was a Randolph, one of Virginia's aristocracy.
Jefferson was born on April 13, 1743, in Albemarle county on the fringe of the frontier. He attended William and Mary, where he studied law and political philosophy. He was in Virginia politics since he was twenty-six. Member of the Continental Congress, author of The Declaration of Independence,Governor of Virginia during the war, Minister of France from 1785 until 1789, he had already had a distinguished career when he became the secretary of the State. His political ideas derived from English rather than from French sources, but in France he had become intimately acquainted with and appreciative of French Liberal thought. He was a Deist in religion and also an ardent admirer of the Christian system of morals. At forty-eight, a polished man of the world, he was to be a tower of strength for those who distrusted Hamilton and his ideas.
Jefferson's ideal was freedom. He was a devotee of a civil and religious liberty and of freedom of thought and expression. Politically, he advocated a suffrage land qualifications so small as to give practically every farmer a vote. At the same time, he believed in government under a system of checks and Minister of Treasury balances that would limit and restrict the actual operation of majority rule. He was as fearful of the tyranny of the majority as any Hamiltonian; the difference was that his attitude was based on a compassionate understanding of the frailties of human nature, rather than on a contempt for the mob. He felt like government had to be based on the will of the people, but it was a will that needed leadership and, sometimes, control.
Jefferson's emphasis on liberty shaped his conception of the scope of government. His belief that there should be as much government as was necessary, but that it should be kept to a minimum, was a concept widely held in a day when Western civilization was stirring in protest against the exercise of arbitrary governmental authority. The Industrial Revolution had begun, and middle-class entrepreneurs wanted elbow room. Jefferson's attitude towards government, however, did not derive from sympathy with business-class aspirations. He had no desire for an industrial Revolution in the United States. His ideal society would be composed largely of small, land-owning farmers. He distrusted the working class of the cities as an inevitably debased proletariat, out of place in a democracy of virtue. This agrarian ideal was accepted by the majority of those who followed Jefferson's leadership.
Because Jefferson had ideals of government, he did not conceive of it as static. He believed profoundly in the flexibility of governmental forms and institutions. He thought the procedure for constitutional amendment was altogether too difficult. Viewed from Paris, he described Shays Rebellion as "honorably conducted... God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a Rebellion... ". He realized that the governmental problem must be solved anew by each generation, and he had faith that an intelligent and informed people would work out its political salvation.
The hysterical fulmination of the Federalists about the "Beast", Jefferson, led people to believe that a radical change in government direction was to be expected. Indeed, the tumult of that day has not entirely died out. Some modern historians still speak of "The Jeffersonian Revolution"; others accept the opinion of John Adams's great-grandson Henry Adams, whose historical volume argue that Jefferson followed the Adams policy with very little change; that he won the election with high sounding talk about the rights of the common man and then quietly did nothing about them. There is a measure of correctness in each of these interpretations. The succession of Jefferson to the presidency brought in an administration with views about the purposes and functions of government that were diametrically opposed to those of the federalists.
Quite in contrast to the latter's reliance upon big government to effect its policies, it was Jefferson's conviction that " that government is best that governs the least." While it should restrain evildoers, the government should leave the people free to regulate their own pursuits and activities "and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned."
It should dispense equal justice to all; should jealously safeguard the rights of election by the people; should acquiesce in the decisions of the majority, and should rely upon the supremacy of the civil over the military. There should be a careful preservation of the rights of the states, and a rigid regard for the constitutional limitations upon Congress and upon its delegated powers. Moreover, Jefferson envisioned a nation built upon foundations of prosperous small farmers rather than primarily upon businessmen, manufacturers, and financiers. He did not believe in equality of political rights, for not all men were qualified to vote or wise enough to hold office. But if he did not believe in the immediate political wisdom of all men, he had an abiding faith in the ultimate capacity of ordinary men to decide public questions wisely. Given equality of opportunity with wise directions under a simple government, the people would progress to a point where they could be entrusted with the full management of public affairs. That time had not arrived yet, and until it did, the management of the state must be entrusted to men of talent and merit.
More than anything else, Jefferson believed in the dignity of man and obligation of the government to safeguard his liberties. Every individual should have complete freedom of religion, of speech, and of press-freedom to express himself on all subjects, even to criticize the government. Indeed, criticism of the government was both helpful and desirable. There should be no censorship of thought or expression. Although the will of the majority must prevail, it could only be rightfully exercised if it recognized the equal rights of the minority or the advocate of unpopular causes. underlying this belief in freedom as the foundation of society was Jefferson's faith that truth would always overcome error. "The public judgement, " he stated, "will correct false reasoning and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness." The only effective weapons against error were reason and free inquiry. Such, in belief, was Jefferson's philosophy of government. It considerably extended the principles of English liberalism, adding generous measures of French revolutionary democracy.
It challenged the pretensions of the so-called "ruling class."
In keeping with this new democratic spirit, Jefferson dispensed with ceremonies that were reminiscent of Old World pomp and customs, such as stiff levees like Washington's and ceremonial seating at state dinners. To avoid the latter, he used a round table to encourage a more formal atmosphere. When the British minister once came on official call in high court regalia, he was greeted at the door by the President himself with ordinary clothes and slippers. The minister was so disturbed that he reported to his government his belief that Britain had been given a calculated insult. In place of the customary formal address to the assembled Congress, the president sent a written message to be read by the clerk of the House. Thus did Jefferson make himself a symbol of democracy, as he made himself its philosopher.
But the new democracy was decorous and dignified, not crude, noisy, and vociferous, as when the people rode into power with the confident and boastful Andrew Jackson a generation later. If the new "republican court" functioned with simplicity and informality, it was none the less hospitable. Both at the White House and at Monticello, a lavish hospitality was extended - as is evidenced, for instance, by the wine bills of the first year amounted to nearly $2,800. The presidents fine stable reflected the traditions of the Virginia aristocracy, and Jefferson himself was a man of discriminating tastes and strange accomplishments. he was a skilled musician, a scientific farmer, and a foremost American architect of his time. His library of about 6,000 books, collected from all over the world and sold to Congress in 1815, shows his interest to literature.
The actual policies of the Jeffersonian administration represent no great political upheaval. At the time of his victory over Burr in the election of 1800,Jefferson seems to have given assurance that he would not disturb major Federalist legislation such as the bank, the tariff, and recently enacted provisions for enlarging the military forces. This attitude reflected the closeness of the victory over the Federalists in the electoral college and his hope to introduce changes by degrees wherever he could.
It was not necessary for the Republicans to repeal the Hated Alien and Sedition Laws, for they had expired by limitation in 1801. The Naturalization Act was repealed and the provision for five years of residence instead of fourteen was restored.
The excise tax on whisky was repealed, because it bored hard on plain frontiersmen and its methods of collection were too inquisitorial. Jefferson instructed his secretary of Treasury to keep the government's accounts in such an easy way that even a plain farmer could understand. His mild policies and the inclusion of New Englanders in the cabinet were regarded as a surrender to Federalist principles - so much so that Randolph considered Jefferson to be nothing more than a Federalist spelled backward.
It was against the courts, which were the bulwark of entrenched Federalism, that the Jeffersonians launched their one vigorous attack. The Judiciary Act of 1801, which they repealed, had been in part designed to relieve Supreme Court judges from their duty of traveling around to various districts in order to hold circuit court. This law was not the result of Federalists plan to create jobs for defeated congressmen and senators, although a few were appointed. The act made a much needed improvement in the judiciary, but the circumstances of its passage and the fact that it would enable the Federalists to extend their party influence made the Republicans indignant. The Judiciary Act of 1801 was promptly repealed and replaced by a new one passed by the Republicans in 1802. The Jeffersonians had won the first skirmish in the battle for control of the courts.
The most important consequence of the repeal of the Judiciary Act of 1801 was the case of Marbury verses Madison. William Marbury was one of forty two justices of the appointed by President Adams for the District of Columbia. John Marshall who was now chief justice of the Supreme Court, had, a secretary of state under Adams, neglected to deliver the commissions. Jefferson instructed Madison to issue twenty five of these commissions and withhold the remainder. William Marbury, one of those who was denied an appointment brought suit in the Supreme Court for writ of Mandamus. Such a writ is issued to compel an administrative officer to perform a duty in which he is allowed no discretion. Marbury's application was based on the original Judiciary Act of 1789 which allowed the court to issue such writs to " Persons holding office under the authority of the United States." On several occasions the Supreme Court had exercised this power and it had never been questioned. Marshall now ruled that this particular section of the Judiciary Act of 1789 was unconstitutional, because, under the Constitution of the United States, the Supreme Court is given original jurisdiction in only two kinds of cases : cases in which a foreign minister or consul is a party and cases involving a state. Marshall therefore contended that while Marbury was entitled to his commission and that a writ of Mandamus was a proper remedy, he was in the wrong court.
After the Marbury case, Jefferson ordered a frontal attack on the judiciary through the impeachment process. The first target was District Judge John Pickering of New Hampshire, who was allegedly insane. Judges can be removed only for treason, bribery or other high crimes. Pickering was removed.
The crowning achievement of Jefferson's first administration was the purchase of Louisiana in 1803. In doubling the area of the United States, Jefferson provided an ample estate upon which his dream of an American agrarian democracy might be realized. Louisiana had been assigned to Spain near the close of the French and Indian war in 1762. Subsequently, after Spain became an ally of France, it was transferred to the latter. Napoleon hoped to make it the basis for a new French Empire in America, but in this he was thwarted by his failure to crush the revolt of the negroes of Haiti. In 1803, he began to fear that it would fall into English hands by conquest, and he was therefore disposed to transfer it to the U.S.
Jefferson believed that the Constitution strictly limited the power of the Federal government, and he could find in that document no authorization for the transaction he contemplated. He proposed to amend the Constitution but that was a lengthy procedure, and Napoleon, like most dictators, was in a hurry. Unless the deal was quickly consummated, the golden opportunity might slip away. Jefferson had to choose which way he had to strengthen democracy : by buying a great heritage for agrarian democrats or by keeping the Federal government weak.
He must strengthen the hand of those who wished a powerful central government by finding authority to perform an act not specifically authorized in the Constitution, or he must forgo a chance to add millions of acres to the national estate. His Republican associates came to his rescue. They pointed out that the President and the Senate may acquire territory by treaty.
But Jefferson felt uncomfortable about the entire proceeding, for, in using an implied power rather than one specifically granted by the Constitution, he was taking Federalist ground.
The nation domain was doubled; the Mississippi flowed to the sea in American territory for its full length.
THOMAS JEFFERSON ' S CABINET
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THOMAS JEFFERSON - PRESIDENT (1801-1809) |
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V.P. - AARON BURR 1801 |
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GEORGE CLINTON 1805 |
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SEC. OF STATE - JAMES MADISON |
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SEC. OF TREASURY - ALBERT GALLATIN |
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SEC. OF WAR - H. DEARBORN |
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SEC. OF NAVY - ROBERT SMITH |
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P.M. GEN. - GIDEON GRANGER |
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ATT. GEN. -LEVI LINCOLN 1801 |
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ROBERT SMITH 1805 |
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C. A. RODNEY 1807 |
REFERENCES
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I. THE UNITED STATES -GEWEHR, GORDON, SPARKS, STROMBERG (1960) |
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II. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA -DEXTER PERKINS, GLYNDON G. VAN DEUSEN (1962) |
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III. AMERICAN DEMOCRACY - JOHN D. HICKS, GEORGE E. MOWRY (1956) |
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